The Meaning of Historicism: A Sham War

Jeffrey Neuzil

Well-Known Member
Nov 30, 2007
I dedicate this essay to President John Fitzgerald Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King and Robert Fitzgerald Kennedy—whose voices, so long ago silenced, will resonate to eternity—asking us a simple question: "What is Political Philosophy?"

Coup detat and the Chicago Guns of November: A Eulogy for the Heroes Sacrificed to the Revolution—1936-1968

There is a moment of truth in every nations history. At that moment, the nation must ask itself a simple, but complex question:—in our case, what is America? What does it stand for, and what did it once, long ago, stand for? Does it today cherish those same ideals? Or, does it desire to adopt a completely new set of ideals? And what was that Old traditional set of ideals? Were they worth preserving? Were they deserving of the condemnation which they received from roughly 1936 to 1963—a 27 year period not unlike the convulsive war that was fought in Athens, the Peloponesian War, which ended in the tragic defeat of the Athenians at the hands of, on my theory, a Spartan/Persian/ Silcilian conspiracy that was both internal and external to Athens: A conspiracy which encompassed the House of Pericles, and the lawless Alcibiades, who impertinently, under Socratic tutelage, had they audacity to pose to the Athenians the question: "What is Law?"
In fact, the war was a 31 year war, it was our war, and it ended in 1968, with the cowardly slaying, by forces, Persian, German, Russian, Silcilian and Japenese, with the twin slayings of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and President Kennedy's brother Robert F. Kennedy—it was a war that lasted exactly the same number of years as pages in Dr. Leo Strauss' "auto-biographical" preface of "Spinoza's Critique of Religion," a book which is thourougly anti-liberal democracy, which is precisely why it is a repudiation of Spinoza, for he had the audacity to suggest that liberal democracy was not only consistent with—but necessary to—the preservation of and cultivation of the highest way of life:— Philosophy!
Strauss' agreed with the estimate of the "what" of Spinoza's judgement—but he roundly rebuked his estimate that liberal democracy was good for philosophy—and hence executed, as it were, Spinoza: He began his "critique" of religion with the Catholic, John F. Kennedy, then moved on—like a "magic bullet" (comission exhibit 399, which bears, the significant year of Socrates' execution in athens, if anyone has read the "Warren Comission Report") careening through the 1960's, next filling the Audoubon theater in New york city (the publication city of "Spinozas Critique of Religion," by Shocken Press, 1965, if anyone noticed) with its muderous volley of shots (so much for the "Nation of Islam," not particularly well liked for it was represented, in Strauss view, by an impure pedigree), then in 1967—the Six Day's War" in Israel—which required a more sophisitcated "magic Bullet"—a veritable "Everett Shift" in time (so much for orthodox Judaism)—then, at last, to conclude the critique, Lutheranism was struck with that indefatigable magic projectile, and, finally, since John F. Kennedy's brother was aware of the forces which took the life of his brother and was in the ascendant politically—for he was about to become president, thereby threatening all the achievements of that 31 year effort—the magic bullet, now almost exhausted, reached its final target, Robert F. Kennedy.
What began with a critique of Catholicism came full circle with the death of Robert Kennedy—and so died the hope, the dream, the idealism, of the 1960's! And not a single voice of substantive protest—about acts which were well known to the intelligence agencies of the United States, who were, if not complicit in the crimes themselves, which a pretty good case can be made for, were coplicit by omitting to take the necessary action to bring those responsible to justice: But they did not, alas! Courage did not mark that time, and it does not mark ours!
Now the war then initiated and concluded had much greater goals in mind than those thus far concluded and those goals lie in our future: They are being fought this very moment in the country, by a false-war on terrorism, which is no more than an attempt to muzzle any American who talks about these ignominious acts of the past, so there is no "real" war on terror—just Americans induced to terrorize other Americans long enough to propell the society into chaos—and thus consolidate the war begun long ago, with the destruction of our Republic and the overturning of of liberal democratic constitution: Nothing less than this is in view, and it has been well prepared; the patriot acts were just a foretaste of what is to come, I am affraid—but I suppose that does not matter to most people: As Mark Lane observed in one of his books, people in Germany had to brush the ashes, from the corpses, which wafted through the air, off of their laundry which was hung out to dry—and so they did without much thought to the Macabre reality of it all—but this farce is not over, and soon Americans may find themselves doing the same thing: But courage is a rare thing, and Thomas Hobbes or Leo Strauss made fear the basis of his philosophy; he built on low but solid ground as has been said.
What more can be said, should I go on to "dozy the arithmetic of memory," cataloguing all the inscriptions of these acts as they exist in the corpus of Strauss' work, for I can do so;there are massive significances—dates that celebrate the deaths of all those whom I have mentioned, lecture couses given at just the right time and date, for example, Strauss' teaching of his "Heiro" in the fall of 1963, his publication of that book in that year, his preface to his "The City and Man" in 1963, with its ominous images of funerereal urns on the green cover as well as a scene that mirrors the "Grassy Knoll," a fence pictured in the background, his "Apology," "Liberalism Ancient and Modern" (for Strauss' works and Nietzsche's also written, I submit by him, mirror Platonic dialogues), which bears a Claiifornia preface by Allan Bloom dated 25 years to the year and the significant month November at that to after the slaying of Kennedy:—
In the same book a direct counterpoint, in a very poetic and striking remark by Strauss, which suggests that all suffering must be endured if wisdom is to be obtained, to Robert Kennedy's poignant words spoken at the death of Dr. King, calling, in direct contrast to Strauss' statement, for "Love" and "compassion." These are more than coincidences—and this is well known to many: But not a voice of protest—just those who are chomping at the bit to overturn the constitution while they mouth pieties: There words fly up, their thoughts remain below, words without thoughts, never to heaven go!
When I was in school, I was told to recite the pledge of allegiance: well I did not pledge allegiance to the founders of the "KIngdom of Darkness," unless those were the founders of our regime—in which case I pledged allegiance to a republic—but one with "liberty and justice for all," not the misuse of taxpayer dollars to harass and harry those who would look into and question the foundations of the regime, and not those who despise our Constitution, and cannot wait till the day when they can shred it and throw it up into the air like confetti! But where are fellow patriots today, those who claimed in the 1960's that they were fighting for a peaceful world, for a better world, for a truly liberal and democratic representative Republic? I do not see them, unless they are the dupes, and dolts who think we have such. Otherwise it is pure hypocrisy: I'd rather—and far rather live under a frank dictatorship—than under a regime which tyrannizes, however softly, under a vale of duplicity and lies!
Hey Jeffrey... I'm starting the Revolution after this semester is over (when it is warmer outside)... if you want to join me, send me an email, and we can work together. I'll let you know exactly where I'll be. You sound like an excellent ally. I'd be honored if you worked with me in this democracy movement. I'm selling my material things, but keeping some books, for I'm taking it slow. When it’s time to sell them, I will do that as well. All money is diffused to the poor. We must first gather the homeless, for no one will be left behind in this Revolution, and they have been abandoned more than anyone. Remember, this is for God, so we cannot, MUST NOT, sacrifice value, or else we will not be successful. When we have amalgamated enough brethren, we will move forward and do what must be done. This is not an overthrow; it is more like a resurrection. The power belongs to God, and we are with God.